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Sarit Thanarat (also spelled Dhanarajata; ; born Siri (); 16 June 1908 – 8 December 1963) was a Thai politician and military commander. He served as commander-in-chief of the Royal Thai Army (from 1954) and as Minister of Defense during Plaek Phibunsongkhram's premiership. In 1957, he became chief of a military junta after leading a coup in which Phibun was overthrown. Sarit lasted the de facto prime minister only five days before was replaced by Pote Sarasin, but assumed power again as the head of the Revolutionary Council after 1958 coup and then as the eleventh Prime Minister of Thailand in February 1959 until his death in 1963.
Born in Bangkok (now Bangkok) and raised in Mukdahan, Sarit graduated from the Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy in 1928 and began his military career as a second lieutenant in the 2nd Infantry Division. He first gained recognition during the Boworadet Rebellion, where he commanded government forces under Plaek Phibunsongkhram. During World War II, he participated in the Burma campaign, leading forces in the invasion of the Shan State under General Phin Choonhavan. Known for his strict discipline and effective leadership, Sarit quickly rose through the ranks and established himself as a prominent figure within the military after the war.
After the 1947 coup d'état, Sarit became a key political figure in Phibun's government and played an active role in suppressing the Palace Rebellion. By the 1950s, Sarit emerged as a central figure in the "Triumvirate" alongside Phao Siyanon and Phibun, as they competed for dominance in Thai politics. Sarit's influence grew significantly after the February 1957 election crisis, during which he led a coup that ousted Phibun and temporarily assumed leadership as the head of the Revolutionary Council. Although he initially restored power to civilian authorities, Sarit launched another coup in 1958, consolidating power and officially becoming Prime Minister.
As Prime Minister, Sarit established a highly centralized and Authoritarianism government. He suspended the constitution, dissolved parliament, and banned political parties, consolidating all power in his hands. Sarit emphasized modernization and economic development, focusing on Infrastructure, agriculture, and industrialization. His government received substantial support from the United States, as it aligned itself with the anti-communist bloc during the Cold War. Domestically, Sarit promoted a strong sense of Thai nationalism and emphasized the importance of the monarchy, which became central to his administration's legitimacy.
Sarit’s legacy remains significant and controversial. He is credited with stabilizing Thailand during a period of turbulence and implementing policies that fostered economic growth and modernization. However, his regime was also characterized by authoritarianism, corruption, and political repression. Sarit’s efforts to elevate the monarchy's role in politics have had a lasting impact on Thailand’s political structure and influencing subsequent military-led government.
Although the Seri Manangkhasila Party beat the Democrat Party, the latter was seen to have won a moral victory. The Democrat Party and the press accused the government of rigging the vote and using hooligans to terrorize both candidates and voters. In a bid to repress public discontent, Phibun declared a state of emergency and Sarit was appointed as the supreme commander of military forces. However, Sarit effectively disassociated himself from the corrupt party when he commented that the 1957 elections. "were dirty, the dirtiest. Everybody cheated."
On 10 August, the Deputy Minister of Agriculture, Phin, was sent by helicopter to survey the Isan region where he found nothing amiss. A second survey, also done by air, was published and again indicated that there was no crisis in Isan as all the land was in acceptable condition. In a final attempt to resolve the issue, the Phibun government allocated 53 million Thai baht, which was to be divided equally among the 53 Isan representatives.
Enraged by the charges, Thiem went to the press to reveal the real reason for his dismissal. He stated that several powerful figures in the Thai government wanted to establish the Forestry Company of Thailand which would merge with other private companies and thereby control the lumber and teak industries. Phin, who headed this project, wanted to suspend all forestry licenses when other companies refused to collude. The plan to establish the Forestry Company of Thailand involved the Bhumibol Dam project, as members of the Forestry Company wanted to monopolize the cutting of timber in the areas to be flooded by the dam. Thiem further revealed that the Seri Manangkhasila Party had submitted an early application for a license to cut down trees in the area. According to Thiem, his refusal to approve the government's application was the cause of his dismissal.
On 16 September, a public gathering assembled to protest Phibun and his government. The crowd, which quickly grew in numbers, marched to Sarit's residence to show support for the army's demands. As Sarit was not at home, the crowd broke into the government compound where they made speeches condemning the government. The protesters later returned to Sarit's home where he was waiting to address them. In his speech, Sarit said, "In the name of the army and deputies of the second category, I have conducted my activities based on popular will, and the interests of the people — your coming here gives me moral support to continue."
The following morning, Sarit and his army staged a coup d'etat. In less than an hour, the army successfully captured strategic points with no resistance. To identify themselves, Sarit's forces wore white arm bands as a sign of purity. Following these developments, Phibun immediately fled the country and Phao was deported to Europe. Thus began Sarit's rule.
In contrast, Likhit Dhiravegin stresses that the notion of phokho (patriarchal rule) from the Sukhothai Kingdom and devaraja (god–king) and sakdina (dignity marks) from the Ayutthaya Kingdom are essential in understanding modern Thai politics. Likhit's analysis shows how Sarit combined paternalistic rule from the Sukothai ( phokhun) with Ayuthaya's despotic power to create his personal political style. According to Thak, Luang Wichit Wathakan was essential in moulding the leadership principles of Phibun and Sarit. From him, Sarit was introduced to the idea of pattiwat (revolution) and the guiding leadership principle of phokhun.
To lower food prices, Sarit ordered the opening of new markets modeled after the Sunday flea markets at Sanam Luang. Merchants could sell their goods directly to the public instead of going through , thus reducing food prices. Participating merchants only had to pay nominal fee. Sarit also lowered the price of iced black coffee, a popular beverage among locals, from 70 satang per glass to 50 Thai baht per glass. (To evade this, merchants served the coffee in smaller glasses, added less coffee, or more ice into the beverage. Thais were then forced to order the "special" coffee which was the original coffee at the original price).
The Association of Rice Merchants agreed to lower their rice prices in the stores they controlled. In a bid to show that everyone was participating in the revolution, the navy was called on by Sarit to provide cheap coconuts to be sold to the public.
Even though many of these programs did not last long or were not implemented, their announcements helped to create an atmosphere of enthusiasm for the new government.
Prostitution was also considered as a menace to society. Sarit ordered all arrested prostitutes be reformed by sending them to institutions which would equip them with new skills. He also passed the Law Against Prostitution, B.E. 2503.
Article 17 of the Interim Constitution of Thailand, B.E. 2502 or " M17" was the legal basis for Sarit to order executions. Using M17, parliament was abolished, newspapers were strictly censored, political parties were prohibited, and people who were suspected of colluding with communists were imprisoned. From 1958 to 1963, eleven people were executed under M17. Five were given death penalty for arson, one for heroin production, one for spearheading a messianic uprising, and four on charges of communism, including the activist and former MP Khrong Chandawong. The Revolutionary Council Proclamation No. 12, dated 22 October 1958, gave investigating authorities the power to detain suspects as long as needed. Many of those persecuted were not communists, but rather writers or intellectuals who opposed Sarit's rule. Under the proclamation, an estimated 1,000 suspects were imprisoned.
According to Frank Darling, Sarit's regime was authoritarian and retreated from what little democracy was gained during the 1932 revolution. Thak suggests that Sarit's strict rule can be understood as the modern phokhun style of leadership, where the benevolent leader intervenes to help his people.
The Sarit government revived traditional festivals and ceremonies which were abandoned after the 1932 revolution. An example was the revival of the First Ploughing ceremony (Raek Nakhwan) which dates back to the Sukothai Kingdom.
According to Thak, the Sarit regime had two main reasons for reinvigorating the monarchy. First, the monarchy legitimized not only his regime, but its policies as well. Sarit's plan to stage a coup against Phibun was supported by the monarchy as evidenced by a letter written by the king. The letter expressed the king's confidence in Sarit and urged Sarit to do his duty to the government. Second, the monarch contributed to regime's paternalistic programs. In this instance, the throne acted as a charity, collecting funds from private donors, channeling them into public programs that enhanced both the regime's and the monarchy's reputation.
After 1966, the number of public appearances by the king increased and as the years passed, more visits were made. The king's newly powerful position was evidenced by the number of scheduled audiences with the prime minister and other cabinet ministers. The monarchy also moved closer to the military as illustrated by the number of military affairs attended by the king in 1963.
The strength of Sarit's relationship with King Bhumibol was evident when the king ordered 21 days of official mourning in the palace after his death, with Sarit's body lying in state under royal patronage for 100 days and the king and queen attending his cremation on 17 March 1964.
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